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Land grabbing entails acquisition of more than 200 hectares from an indigenous population irrespective of payment or compensation. It is a global phenomenon usually executed by commercial enterprises. In Nigeria, Public Land Grabbing (PLG) is perpetrated by the state using the provision of 1978 Land Use Act. One of such cases is Ajoda New Town (ANT). Land grabbing for ANT has generated local resistance. Research on public land grabbing mostly focuses on livelihood challenges of dispossessed landowners with little attention paid to local resistance. This study therefore examined PLG’s colonial foundations, the processes of PLG for ANT, the subsequent local resistance and relations between the indigenous land owners (omo-onile) and land allottee-residents in ANT, Ibadan.
Accumulation by Dispossession Theory guided the study, while the exploratory design was adopted. Historical data were sourced from the National Archives, Ibadan, while respondents were purposively selected. Key informant interviews conducted with traditional chiefs (3), family heads of indigenous land owners (4), allotee-residents (2), government officials (3), youth representative (1), chairman of landlords’ association (1), residents (2) and indigenous landlords (2). In-depth interview sessions were held with allottee-residents (10), indigenous landowners (10) and Counsellor (1). Two focus group discussion sessions were held with indigenous land owners, while three case studies were held with indigenous land owner (1), allottee-resident (1) and illegal occupier (1). Secondary data were sourced from newspapers and judicial compilations. Data were content analysed.
The colonial authorities formalised PLG through the instrumentality of Native Authority systems, ordinances, gazettes and deeds of conveyance. The processes of PLG for ANT commenced in 1976, when the military government set up a committee on the decongestion of Ibadan. The committee recommended the acquisition of 1200 hectares at Egbeda for the establishment of ANT as a residential and industrial estate. Then, the dislodged indigenous owners were compensated on land and crops. Later, the government enacted the Land Use Decree of 1978 and further acquired 3800 hectares for ANT, but compensated only on crops. The indigenous owners viewed non-compensation on land as exploitation and ‘theft’ of patrimonial possession. They subsequently deployed violent protest (road blocks, ambush of civil servants and allottees, removal of beacons and attacks on and destruction of building sites). Economic protest included sand mining, land resale, collection of tolls from on-site government officials and allottees for weed clearing (owó ìwogbó) and collection of charges for construction (owóomo-onílè). Indigenous landowners also instituted civil protests through multiple court cases and protest letters. The symbolic protests were placement of charms (igà) and rendering of curses (èpè) on allocated land and allottees to ensure non-accomplishment (etì) of building projects. Allottee-residents repurchased their land from the indigenous landowners and deliberately maintained peaceful relations and co-existence with them for fear of attacks.
Public land grabbing for Ajoda New Town provoked resistance from the indigenous population because of the application of the 1978 Land Use Decree which alienated and denied them land compensation. Amicable dialogues on the compensation processes are recommended. |
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